AN 


APPEAL TO THE LOCO FOCOS, 

DRAWN FROM THEIR OWN DOCUMENTS. 

BY JONATHAN B. MANN, 

A Shoemaker of Natick. 


It is a lamentable fact, that men are oftentimes governed by mere 
party spirit rather than reason. Especially is this the case in times of 
great excitement, like the present, when two great parties are gather¬ 
ing their forces and exerting their utmost energies to obtain or main¬ 
tain an ascendancy in the affairs of state. At the present time there 
are many cairn and considerate men among the supporters of Mr. 
Van Buren. who reject all the arguments and facts brought forward to 
prove the corruption of his Administration ; brand the whole of them 
as Whig lies, simply because they are led away by party zeal. It is 
the design of the present work to appeal to such men, not with Whig 
arguments, but with the arguments furnished by the attested docu¬ 
ments of the Administration. 

It is an universally accredited rule of law, that the highest possible 
evidence is that furnished by a culprit against himself. Accordingly 
wLen a supposed criminal pleads guilty, nothing remains but the sen¬ 
tence and execution of the law. 

Applying this principle to those men who now rule the country, no 
honest patriot can for a moment maintain that they longer deserve the 
confidence reposed in them. 

The following propositions can be proved by the testimony which 
these men have published themselves : 

1st. THE ADMINISTRATION PARTY, ON COMING INTO 
POWER, PROMISED RETRENCHMENT, BUT HAVE NOT 
FULFILLED THE PROMISE. 

2d. THEY PROMISED REFORM, AND FAILED TO FULFIL 
THE PROMISE. 

3d. THEY FOUND THE CURRENCY IN A SOUND AND 
HEALTHY CONDITION, AND BROUGHT IT INTO CON¬ 
FUSION AND DISORDER. 

4th. THEY PROMISED A BETTER CURRENCY, BUT GAVE 
A POORER. 

5th. TFIOUGH THE FACT THAT THEY DESTROYED WHAT 
WAS TERMED BY THEMSELVES THE BEST CURREN¬ 
CY IN THE WORLD, IS SUFFICIENT TO CONDEMN 
THEM, YET AS SOME OF THEM PRETEND THAT SPEC¬ 
ULATION AND OVERTRADING WERE THE CAUSE 
OF OUR PRESENT^ DISASTERS, IT MAY BE WELL 
ENOUGH TO PROVE THAT THEIR OWN MEASURES 
CAUSED THE SPECULATION AND OVERTRADING. 

6th. INDEPENDENT TREASURY SCHEME LESS SAFE, 
CONVENIENT AND ECONOMICAL, THAN FORMER SYS¬ 
TEMS OF KEEPING THE PUBLIC MONEY. 

7th. THE PRESENT ADMINISTRATION HAVE COUNTE¬ 
NANCED THE ROBBERY OF THE PUBLIC MONEY. 

8th. THE ADMINISTRATION ASSUME OR DENY THE 



JK Ci s a 0, 

I Ir. 


2 

POWERS VESTED IN THEM BY THE CONSTITUTION, 
AS SUITS THEIR CONVENIENCE. 

Rill. MR. VAN BUREN AN ENEMY TO THE LABORING 
MAN. 

lOtli. MR. VAN BUREN HAS NEGLECTED THE RIGHTS 
AND INTERESTS IN RELATION TO THE COLONIAL 
TRADE. 

'JViest; propositions are not the only ones which might he supported in 
the same way, nor arc the extracts in support of them the only ones to 
bejound. On the contrary, they are but mere, samples of an immense 
guantity of like character, to which all are referred who are not satis¬ 
fied. 

The Administration party promised Retrenchment, but have fail¬ 
ed to fulfil this promise. 

The promise of retrenchment is notorious—nevertheless the proof 
may not be amiss. In 1828, before Gen. Jackson had commenced his 
administration, his friends in the House of Representatives introduced 
some resolutions in favor of retrenchment. These resolutions were 
supported with much zeal by all the leading men of the Jackson party 
in the House, McDuffie, Buchanan, Floyd, Kremer, Randolph, &;c. 
Mr. Floyd of Va., in a speech to be found on page 1144, vol. x., part 
ii., Gales &- Seaton’s Register, said, “ Are we to be told that the ex¬ 
penses of the contingent fund under this Government have not increas¬ 
ed 1 They have increased, are increasing, and ought to be diminish¬ 
ed.” 

Mr. George Kremer said in the same debate, “ when the elder, or 
first Adams, attempted to break the Constitution, and introduce a sys¬ 
tem of wasteful extravagance, the people measured out to him what 
justice required ;—I hope the same justice that was measured out to 
the first, will te measured out to the second.” Mr. Rives said, “ I am 
one of those who have the cause of retrenchment really at heart. I 
believe there is great occasion for it.” 

Here is the promise. The failure of fulfilment may be seen by the 
following : 

Let ter from the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting a statement 
of Expenditure, exclusive of the Public Debt, for each year, from 
1824 to 1838. 

Juno 28, 1838.—Read and laid upon the table. 

Treasury Department, June 27, 1833. 
Sir : In obedience to the resolution of the House of Representa¬ 
tives of the 25th instant, I have the honor to “ lay before the House a 
statement showing the amount of expenditure, exclusive-of the public 
debt, for each year, from 1824 to 1838.” 

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

LEVI WOODBURY, 

Secretary of the Treasury. 

lion. J. K. Polk, 

Speaker of the House of Representatives. 

Statement showing the amount of expenditure of the United Stales, 
exclusive of the public debt, for each year, from 1824 to 1837, in¬ 
clusive, stated in pursuance of a resolution of the House of Repre¬ 
sentatives of the 25lh of June, 1838.” 

For the year 1824, 

Do 1825, ^ 


$15,330,144 71 
11,490,459 94 



3 


Do 

1826, 

13,062,316 27 

Do 

1827, 

12,653,095 65 

Do 

1828, 

13,296,041 45 

Do 

1829, 

12,660,460 62 

Do 

1830, 

13,229,533 33 

Do 

1831, 

13,864,067 90 

Do 

1832, 

16,516,388 77 

Do 

1833, 

22,713,755 H 

Do 

1834, 

18,425,417 25 

Do 

1835, 

17,514,950 28 

Do 

1836, 

30,868,164 04 

Do 

1837, 

*39,164,745 37 


Note. —The foregoing suras ihclude payments for trust funds and 
rndemnities, which, in 1837, was $5,010,404, 30. 

T. L. SMITH, Register. 

Treasury Department, Rcgisier^s Ojjiee, June 27,1838. 

Excess of Gen. Jackson’s highest, in any single year, over Mr. 
Adams’s highest, in any single year, $17,572,122 59. 

Excess of Gen. Jackson’s lowest over Mr. Adams’s lowest, $1,170,- 

001 08 . 

Excess of Mr. Van Buren’s one year over Mr. Adams’s hi^rhest, 
$25,808,703 92. 

2r/. The Administration Party proinised Reform, but have failed to 

fulfil the promise. 

The reforms promised related to several supposed abuses, which 
were denounced with becoming indignation. 

The first related to the interference of office holders in elections, 
and the appointment of men to office, as a reward for party services. 
In 1820 a Senate committee, composed in part of Mr. Van Buren, 
Mr. R. M. Johnson and Mr. Benton, made a report upon Executive pa¬ 
tronage, to be found in 4th vol. Senate Doc. for 1825-20,1st sess. 19th 
Cong. J'his committee publish a list of the officers in the custom 
house at New York, and cry : “ A formidable list, indeed ! formidable 
in numbers, and still more so from the vast amount of money in their 
hands. The action of such a body of men, supposing them to be ani¬ 
mated by one spirit, must be tremendous in an election, and that they 
will be so animated is a proposition too plain to need demonstration. 

Power over a man’s support is always admitted to. be power over his 
will. The President has power over the support of all these officers, 
and they again have power over the support of debtor merchants, to 
the amount of ten millions of dollars per annum, and over the daily 
support of an immense number of individuals, professional, mechani¬ 
cal, and day laboring, to whom they can and will extend or deny a val¬ 
uable private as well as public patronage, according to the part they 
shall act in Federal elections. Still, this is only ^branch, a mere prong 
of Federal patronage in a single city. 

We must look forward to the time when the revenue w’ill be dou¬ 
bled, when the officers will be quadrupled, when the nomination by 
the Presideiit can carry any man through the Senate, and his recom¬ 
mendation any measure through the two houses of Congress; when 
the principle of public action will be open and avowed,—The Presi¬ 
dent wants my vote, and I want his patronage ; I will vote as he wish¬ 
es,—and he will give me the office I wish for. ^¥hat will,ibis bt but 
the Government of one man 7 and lohat is the Government (f one man 
hut a monarchy 



4 


At this time, the number of officers at New York referred to, was 
174, amount of salaries $119,062 39 ; in 1836 it appears by the Blue 
book, they have increased to 414. and their salaries amount to $409,- 
669 32. 

So far from preventing office holders from electioneering, it ap¬ 
pears to be the condition upon which they hold their offices. Look at 
Jesse Hoyt of N. Y. and Geo. Bancroft of Mass, and their depend¬ 
ents. Look also to the Postmasters throughout the country. Look 
also to the appointment of run-down politicians, whom the people would 
not trust, to offices of honor and emolument. John M. Niles, whom 
the people of Connecticut would not have for Governor, is made Post¬ 
master General ; William L. Marcy, - whom the people of New York 
discarded, is appointed Commissioner to Mexico ; C. C. Cambreleng, 
whom the people would not trust to represent a district in Congress, 
the President appoints to represent the nation at a foreign court ; Fe¬ 
lix Grundy, discarded by the people is made Attorney General; George 
Bancroft, unable to secure a seat in Congress by the vote of the peo¬ 
ple, is made Collector of Boston ; A. H. Everett, ditto, agent to Cuba, 
and many others in the same way. 

Patronage of the President was another abuse complained of. Mr. 
Hamilton of S. C., an ardent supporter of Gen. Jackson, said in a 
speech in the House, 1826,—“ Is it necessary that the Executive 
should have a Government press, to be paid for by the people, to sus¬ 
tain the measures of an administration right or wrong ? If 82 presses 
(the number under patronage at the time) can be made to speak as it 
were in one voice, that all the Government does is excellent, and all 
those opposed to them say is false and factious, this constant, com¬ 
bined and concerted language, will have a tendency to make those 
who hear little else, believe all this is true.” 

Mr. Amos Kendall, accordingly, upon entering the office of Fourth 
Auditor, wrote letters to sixteen publishers of newspapers which had 
been taken at that office, as follows : 

Treasury Department, ) 
Fourth Auditor’s office, March 24th, 1829. ) 

Sir,—Not believing that I am authorized to charge the Government 
with subscriptions to newspapers, which are not useful to me in the 
discharge of my official duties, and not perceiving that I can derive 
any assistance from your Journal in settling the accounts of the U. S. 
Navy, I have to request that you will discontinue sending it to this 
©ffice. 

Very respectfully your ob’t serv’t, 

AMOS KENDALL. 

Kendall also reformed out of office two brothers, because he hated 
family monopoly. These reforms have been effected in the following 
manner, to wit: 

Beals &- Greene, of the Boston Post, who received nothing in 1826, 
now receive some $15,000 per annum by way of patronage. 

Editors have been appointed to office in abundance, the following in 
Massachusetts : 

W. H. Spear, of Norfolk Argus, to an office in Boston Custom 
House. 

S. B. Phinney, of Barnstable, to Boston Custom House. 

H. Atwill, of Concord, to Boston Custom House. 

F. R. Gourgas, do. and Concord Post Office. 

E. Case, of Lowell, Postmaster at Lowell. 

C. W. Woodbury, of Salem, Postmaster at Salem. 


9 


pie without their knowing it, that it was almost enough to make a lover of hia 
country despair of its liberty. I then stated, that 1 knew of no measure which 
could better illustrate the truth of this remark than the one now before us. lis 
professed object is to restrict the sales of public lands, to prevent speculation. 
The measure is understood to be an Administration measure. 

I then stated, that so far from preventing speculation, it would in fact but con¬ 
summate the greatest speculation this conntry has ever witnessed , a speculation 
originating in a state of things of which those in power were the authors, and by 
which they had profited ; and which this measure, should it become a law, would 
complete. I then asked what had caused such a demand for public land,and said to 
answer the question we must look to the state of the currency. That it was owing 
to the extraordinary increase of bank paper. * * * 1 then asked what had caus¬ 
ed this inundation of paper ? The answer was, the ‘‘ experiment” which has re¬ 
moved the only restriction which had existed against the issue of bank paper. 
The consequence was predicted at the time ; it was foretold that banks would 
multiply without number, and pour forth their issues without restriction or limi¬ 
tation. These predictions were at the time unheeded—their truth now begins 
to be realized.” 


6th. Independent Treasury Scheme, less safe, less convenient, and less 
economical than other systems of collecting and keeping the public 
Money. 

(Extract from the Report of the Secretary of the Treasury, Dec. I2th, 1834.) 

“ In considering the safety of the State Banks, it should be remembered that 
the owners and managers of banks, when properly regulated by legislative pro¬ 
visions in their charters, are like other individuals, interested to transact business 
securely; are desirous of making and not losing money; and that these circum¬ 
stances, with the preference, in case of failure, belonging to depositors and bill- 
holders over stock-holders, united with the security, if not the priority given to 
Government, render them in point of safety, generally much superior to indivi¬ 
dual agents of the United States. 

Hence, unless the States and the United States, should both deem it proper, gra¬ 
dually, and in the end entirely to dispense with the paper system, and which event 
is not anticipated, the Government cannot escape occasional losses from that 
quarter, and can wecerhope to escape all losses from banks as fiscal agents, ex¬ 
cept in the employment in their place of other and individual agents, who loill proba¬ 
bly be found less responsible, safe, convenient and economical.'^ 

Extract from the speech of Mr. Patton of Va., a leading Administration mem¬ 
ber of the House of Representatives, Feb. 11th, 1835. 

“ The Bank of the United States, it is conceded, is to be dispensed with, and 
it is believed there are insuperable objections attending the only scheme, which 
has been brought into competition with the State banks, (i. e. the Sub-Treasury, 
proposed by Mr. Gordon.) “Admitting the existence of the deprecated evils 
of the bank system, the scheme as proposed, for disconnecting the Government 
and banks, does not go one iota towards the accomplishment of the object. 

The money will still be deposited in banks; for it is not proposed to compel the 
collectors and receivers to keep the public money in specie in their own hands ; 
diod \^it were, itiDould only render the scheme more indefensible, and the whole 
matter ends, therefore, in changing the person in whom you will repose confi¬ 
dence—whether in a high officer of the Government, the elevation of whose 
position, placing the eyes of the whole country upon him, furnishes a guarantee 
against any improper use of his discretion, or whether you will devolve this dis¬ 
cretion upon an army of subordinates, whose livelihood depends upon their re¬ 
taining their offices, who are less exposed to the public gaze, and perhaps less un¬ 
der the restraint of high moral considerations ; who may be stimulated by a de¬ 
sire to propitiate the powers that be, to abuse their discretion ; and whose situa¬ 
tion is such, that they may give the worst effect to this kind of influence, when 
they choose to exert it:—and this to be accomplished at a vast increase of ex¬ 
pense, a considerable multiplication of officers, and a great addition to the pa¬ 
tronage of the Executive.” 

7th. The present Administration have countenanced the Robbery of 
the Public Money. 

In support of this, the same credence will be relied on as in the former cases, 
viz : their own voluntary testimony. Doc. 297, 2d Sess. 25th Congress, House 
of Representatives, contains 379 letters to collectors and receivers who had fail¬ 
ed to comply with the laws of the Government. 




10 


Of tliese letters, 15 were written to W P. Harris, receiver at’Colambus, Miss., 
just reminding him that he was a defaulter. When the 15lh came, he nominated 
his successor, and resigned, a defaulter to the amount of $128,884 70. The Se¬ 
cretary of the Treasury had so much respect for the opinion of this belief, that 
he actualty appointed the person Harris recommended as his successor to the 
office. This person was one G.D. Boyd, and in a short time he was a defaulter 
to the amount of $55,000. An agent was now sent to examine the affairs in this 
place, who reported in part as follows: “ Another receiver would probably fol¬ 
low in the footsteps of the two. You will not, therefore, be surprised it I recom¬ 
mend his being retained in preference to another appointment ; for he has his 
hands full now, and will not be disposed to speculate any more.” 

August 8th, i837, Levi Woodbury wrote to this defaulter, that he was happy ta 
hear of his frank and honorable course. This letter was dated two months after 
the agent reported he “ had his hands full” of stolen money. 

For further information see Doc. referred to, which contains 400 pages of like 
matter. 


Qlh. The Administration aisiime or deny the poioers vested in the Go¬ 
vernment by the Constitution^ as suits their own convenience. 

This proposition is strikingly illustrated in relation to the power and duty of 
regulating the currency, as defined by them at different times. Gen. Jackson 
expressly asserted, that one leading object of his “ experiment” was to furn 
the people with a “ better currency.” 

Mr. Taney, while Secretary of the Treasury, wrote a letter to the committee 
of Ways and Means, to be found in the 157th page of the Appendix to Vol. X. 
Gales & Seaton’s Register of Debates. In that letter the power to regulate the 
currency is recognized in the following extract: 

“ In submitting this view of the currency, and theplan cf improving it, 1 have 
endeavoured to provide against the danger of a too sudden contraction of the 
present circulating medium. 1 am not prepared to say that the amount in circula¬ 
tion is at this moment greater, or even so great,as the convenience of the coun¬ 
try requires. I think it is not.” “ The great object now in view is to terminate 
forever the evil of the present system, and to place the currency on a foundation 
so STABLE, that it cannot again he shaken.'^ 

The prvwer to regulate the currency is here distinctly asserted, but Mr. Van 
Buren, in the following extract from his message to Congress at the special ses¬ 
sion, plainly denies this general power. 

“ If, therefore, I refrain from suggesting to Congress any specific plan for re¬ 
gulating the exchanges of the country, or relieving mercantile embarrassments , 
It is from a conviction that such measures are not within the constitutional pro¬ 
vince of the General Government.” 


9/A. Mr. Van Buren an enemy to the laboring Man. 

Were we to believe tiie professions of Mr. Van Buren and his leading men, 
without inquiring farther, we should come to a very different conclusion. But it 
is obviously the best way to judge of men by their works in all cases. Tlie Sub- 
Treasury scheme is the leading measure of Mr. Van Buren’s administration. Mr. 
Buchanan of Penn., gave the reasons of the administration for supporting such 
a measure, in a speech delivered in the Senate, Jan. 22d, 1840. In his revised 
and printed speech the following passage occurs : 

“ Reduce our nominal to the real standard of prices throughout the world, and 
you cover the country with benefits and blessings.” 

This is to be done by the Sub-Treasury, in order that we may compete with 
foreign manufacturers. It is evident, therefore, that the price of labor must be 
included, or the thing cannot be accomplished. The argument, then, amounts to 
nothing more nor less than this—the good of the country requires that men should 
work as cheap in this country as they do in other countries;, which sentiment 
varies but little from one charged upon an old Federalist, and published in capi¬ 
tals at every election, to wit: “ that there never would be good times in this 
country, till a poor man was obliged to work for a sheep’s head and pluck per 
day, and sleep under a cart at night, as they do in Europe.” 

Mr. Van Buren and his party are opposed to a Tariff for the projection of 
American industry. It is very plain that a Tariff is beneficial to the whole country, 
not only from the effects of those which have been tried, but also from the nature 
of the case. Production enriches a nation ;—consumption impoverishes it. What¬ 
ever operates to favor production must, therefore, tend to the accumulation of na- 




tional wealth. The people of the country are divided into two classes; 1st,those 
who produce and consume, and 2d, those who consume without producing. 

The first class is composed of the great majority of the American people,—all 
who labor. The second is composed of a few who live in idleness. The ques¬ 
tion then is, which class must be favored, the large or the small, the industrious 
or the idle, the men who must work to live, or the men who are able to live 
without work. For if we have no Tariff, our labourers must work as low as for¬ 
eigners, or foreigners will undersell us, and take the money out of the country. 
If we have a Tariff, goods must be bought at home, which will save the money 
at home ; prevent a drain of specie ; furnish the laboring man with constant em¬ 
ployment and good wages, which, in connection with the credit system, will 
arouse his energies, stimulate and encourage a spirit of enterprise, and elevate 
him to that high stand among men, where he properly belongs. 

This is but a general view' of the necessary effects of a Tariff, and as we have 
not room to go into detail, we will leave the subject, after proving Mr. Van Bu- 
ren’s administration to be opposed to a Tariff. Gen. Jackson, in his annual mes¬ 
sage to Congress, Dec. Cth, 1831, says, “justice to the merchant as w'ell as the 
manufacturer, requires that reductions in the import duties be prospec¬ 

tive : and unless the present Congress shall dispose of the subject, the proposed 
reduction cannot properly be made to take effect when the necessity for the re¬ 
venue arising from the present rates shall cease.” 

Mr. Van Buren, in his inaugural address, said, “ I shall tread generally in the 
footsteps of my illustrious predecessor, happy if I shall be able to perfect the work 
he has so gloriously begun.” Mr. Bancroft, Collector of Boston, in his address 
at Hartford, Feb. ISth, 1840, said, “The current of advancing civilization is 
sw’eeping against such a system with irresistible energy.” Mr. Cambreleng, 
also, in a speech to be found in Reg. of Deb. vol. viii., part iii., page 3736, said, 
“ He was opposed me pruieunve sysiciu, auu lu,.*. 4v,o doctrines pro¬ 
mulgated by the honorable gentleman from Massachuseita, (Mr. jJavjs,^^j, 
it appeared the protective system was sought to be made perpetual.” 


10^/t. Mr. Van Buren has neglected the rights and interests of the 
country in relation to the Colonial Trade. 

Before Gen. Jackson came into power, there had been a dispute in relation to 
the carrying trade between this country and the West Indies. Our Government 
had so managed it, however, that Maine and Massachusetts kept it mostly in their 
hands. When Mr. McLane was sent to England as minister, Mr. Van Buren, 
as Secretary of State, gave his instructions, and said there were three grounds 
upon which w’e were most assailable, the first of which was, “ in our too long 
and too tenaciously resisting the right of Great Britain to impose protecting du¬ 
ties in her colonies.” Accordingly, to prevent assault, this resistance was stopped, 
and the consequence can be seen in the difference of the number of British arri¬ 
vals and clearances at Boston between the years 1830 and 1839. 

1830— British Arrivals from foreign ports were 18 

Clearances, 

1839, Arrivals, 

Clearances, 

Thus has Mr. Van Buren benefitted the “ British” at our expense. 

We cannot close this evidence without alluding to Gen. Harrison. The lead- 
intr men of the Locofoco party are denouncing Gen. Harrison as a coward, who was 
never in a battle ; a man of no capacity, and less character, and many honest peo¬ 
ple believe them. Therefore, to show the depravity of the lies they are now tell¬ 
ing, we shall exhibit some of the evidence, which (hey formerly gave, when they 
were more impartial and candid. 



“ At the celebrated battle of Tippecanoe, in 1811, Gen. H., as Governor, was 
at the head of the troops, and directed the action. The defence of Fort Meigs, 
and the subsequeilt capture of the British army, may be fairly considered the most 
brilliant and extraordinary.events of the late war. The civil administration of 
Gen. Harrison, although not marked with such brilliant circumstances as his mil¬ 
itary operations, was, notwithstanding, managed with equal judgment.” \ 

(J. M. Niles, Postmaster General, 1821.) \ 


“ What man lives, whose heart and soul is not British, that cannot sincerely re^ 
joice in the late victories of Perry and Harrison,—that does not feel a pride inthe'j 
valor and patriotism of the heroes of the West, who have freed a country as large 
as the empire of Alexander the Great from the Indian tomahaw'k and scalping 
knife ! If there be such an one, he is a traitor to his country—he possesses the 
spirit of a murderer.” (Isaac Hill, 1813.) 


“ Of the career of Gen. Harrison I need not speak—the history of the West 
is his history. For forty years he has been identified wuth its interests, its perils, 
and its hopes.—Universally beloved in the walks of peace, and distinguished by 
his ability in the councils of his country, he has been yet more illustriously dis¬ 
tinguished in the field. During the late war, he was longer in active service 
than any other General officer ; he was perhaps oftener in action than any one 
of them, and never sustained a defeat/' 

(R. M. Johnson, Vice President, 1831.) 

“ I profess to be somewhat acquainted with the history of Gen. Harrison’s po¬ 
litical, military and private life. I am his neighbour, and live in bis county. As 
to his private life, I know of no slain that for a moment sullies him.” 

(Dr. Duncan, 1S40 ) 

Here, then, we have the character of the leaders of the Administration^vdliln- 
tarily given by themselves. Who could fear the success of worse men ^ Hfere 
we have their impartial opinions of Gen. Harrison. Who could desire or hope 
for the success of a better 


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